What did the CSA consider as Black in enlisting Black Confederates

jgoodguy

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Of interest to me is that the CSA apparently considers Negros as 'Blacks' not lighter colored persons. Slaves are the first choice and free persons/men of color are not or seldom mentioned.
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Confederate Law Authorizing the Enlistment of Black Soldiers, as Promulgated in a Military Order
ADJT. AND INSP. GENERAL'S OFFICE,

Richmond, Va., March 23, 1865.
GENERAL ORDERS, No. 14.

I. The following act of Congress and regulations are published for the information and direction of all concerned:

AN ACT to increase the military force of the Confederate States.

The Congress of the Confederate States of America do enact, That, in order to provide additional forces to repel invasion, maintain the rightful possession of the Confederate States, secure their independence, and preserve their institutions, the President be, and he is hereby, authorized to ask for and accept from the owners of slaves, the services of such number of able-bodied negro men as he may deem expedient, for and during the war, to perform military service in whatever capacity he may direct.

SEC 2. That the General-in-Chief be authorized to organize the said slaves into companies, battalions, regiments, and brigades, under such rules and regulations as the Secretary of War may prescribe, and to be commanded by such officers as the President may appoint.

SEC 3. That while employed in the service the said troops shall receive the same rations, clothing, and compensation as are allowed to other troops in the same branch of the service.

SEC 4. That if, under the previous sections of this act, the President shall not be able to raise a sufficient number of troops to prosecute the war successfully and maintain the sovereignty of the States and the independence of the Confederate States, then he is hereby authorized to call on each State, whenever he thinks it expedient, for her quota of 300,000 troops, in addition to those subject to military service under existing laws, or so many thereof as the President may deem necessary to be raised from such classes of the population, irrespective of color, in each State, as the proper authorities thereof may determine: Provided, That not more than twenty-five per cent. of the male slaves between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, in any State, shall be called for under the provisions of this act.

SEC 5. That nothing in this act shall be construed to authorize a change in the relation which the said slaves shall bear toward their owners, except by consent of the owners and of the States in which they may reside, and in pursuance of the laws thereof.

Approved March 13, 1865.

II. The recruiting service under this act will be conducted under the supervision of the Adjutant and Inspector General, according to the regulations for the recruiting service of the Regular Army, in so far as they are applicable, and except when special directions may be given by the War Department.

III. There will be assigned or appointed for each State an officer who will be charged with the collection, enrollment, and disposition of all the recruits that may be obtained under the first section of this act. One or more general depots will be established in each State and announced in orders, and a suitable number of officers will be detailed for duty in the staff departments at the depots. There will be assigned at each general depot a quartermaster, commissary, and surgeon, and the headquarters of the superintendent will be at the principal depot in the State. The proper officers to aid the superintendent in enlisting, mustering, and organizing the recruits will be assigned by orders from this office or by the General-in-Chief.

IV. The enlistment of colored persons under this act will be made upon printed forms, to be furnished for the purpose, similar to those established for the regular service. They will be executed in duplicate, one copy to be returned to this office for file. No slave will be accepted as a recruit unless with his own consent and with the approbation of his master by a written instrument conferring, as far as he may, the rights of a freedman, and which will be filed with the superintendent. The enlistments will be made for the war, and the effect of the enlistment will be to place the slave in the military service conformably to this act. The recruits will be organized at the camps in squads and companies, and will be subject to the order of the General-in-Chief under the second section of this act.

V. The superintendent in each State will cause a report to be made on the first Monday of every month showing the expenses of the previous month, the number of recruits at the various depots in the State, the number that has been sent away, and the destination of each. His report will show the names of all the slaves recruited, with their age, description, and the names of their masters. One copy will be sent to the General-in-Chief and one to the adjutant and Inspector General.

VI. The appointment of officers to the companies to be formed of the recruits aforesaid will be made by the President.

VII. To facilitate the raising of volunteer companies, officers recruiting therefor are authorized to muster their men into service as soon as enrolled. As soon as enrolled and mustered, the men will be sent, with descriptive lists, to the depots of rendezvous, at which they will be instructed until assigned for service in the field. When the organization of any company remains incomplete at the expiration of the time specified for its organization, the companies or detachments already mustered into service will be assigned to other organizations at the discretion of the General-in-Chief.

VIII. It is not the intention of the President to grant any authority for raising regiments or brigades. The only organizations to be perfected at the depots or camps of instructions are those of companies and (in exceptional cases where the slaves are of one estate) of battalions consisting of four companies, and the only authority to be issued will be for the raising of companies or the aforesaid special battalions of four companies. All larger organizations will be left for future action as experience may determine.

IX. All officers who may be employed in the recruiting service, under the provisions of this act, or who may be appointed to the command of troops raised under it, or who may hold any staff appointment in connection with them, are enjoined to a provident, considerate, and humane attention to whatever concerns the health, comfort, instruction, and discipline of those troops, and to the uniform observance of kindness, forbearance, and indulgence to their treatment of them, and especially that they will protect them from injustice and oppression.

By order:

S. COOPER,
Adjutant and Inspector General.

U.S. War Department, The War of the Rebellion: A Compendium of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 128 vols. (Washington, 1880–1901), series 4, vol. 3, pp. 1161–62.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
 

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Confederate Congress: Second Congress, Second Session, Senate, March 7, 1865: The Negro Soldier Question. Southern Historical Society Papers 52 (1959), pp. 452-457.

THE NEGRO SOLDIER QUESTION

At 12 o'clock House bill to increase the military forces of the Confederate States, better known as the negro soldier bill, was taken up and read. The following is the bill; A Bill to increase the military forces of the Confederate States.

The Congress of the Confederate States of America do enact, That in order to provide additional forces to repel invasion, maintain the rightful possession of the Confederate States, secure their independence and preserve their institutions, the President be and he is hereby authorized to ask for and accept from the owners of slaves the services of such number of able-bodied negro men as he may deem expedient, for and during the war, to perform military service in whatever capacity he may direct.

Section 2. That the General-in-Chief be authorized to organize the said slaves into companies, battalions, regiments and brigades, under such rules and regulations as the Secretary of War may prescribe, and to be commanded by such officers as the President may appoint.

Section 3. That while employed in the service the said troops shall receive the same rations, clothing and compensation as are allowed to other troops in the same branch of the service.

Section 4. That if, under the previous sections of this act, the President shall not be able to raise a sufficient number of troops to prosecute the war successfully, and maintain the sovereignty of the States and the independence of the Confederate States, then he is hereby authorize to call on each State, whenever he thinks it expedient for her quota of three hundred thousand troops, in addition to those subject to military service under existing laws, or so many thereof as the President may deem necessary, to be raised from such classes of the population, irrespective of colour, in each State, as the proper authorities may
determine.

Section 5. That nothing in this act shall be construed to authorize a change in the relation of the said slaves. Mr. Hunter said that as he had instructed by the Virginia Legislature to vote against his conviction, it was proper that he should give publick expression to his opinions. Since his first appearance in publick life he had recognized the right of the Legislature to instruct; and upon that body he desired to place the responsibility of the measure should it become a law. Until this morning he had abandoned the idea of publickly expressing his views; but his friends had suggested that justice to himself required that he should do so. He would necessarily have to go over much the same ground as when a kindred measure was recently under discussion in secret session.

When we left the old Government he had thought we had gotten ride forever of the slavery agitation; that we were entering into a new Confederacy of homogeneous States upon the agitation of the slavery question, which had become intolerable under the old Union, was to have no place. But to his surprise he finds that this Government assumes the power to arm the slaves, which involves also the power of emancipation.-To the agitation of this question, the assumption of this power, he dated the origin of the gloom which now overspreads our people. They knew that if our liberties were to be achieved it was to be done by the hearts and to hands of free men. It also injured us abroad. It was regarded as a confession of despair and an abandonment of the ground upon which we had seceded from the old Union. We had insisted that Congress had no right to interfere with slavery, and upon the coming into power of the party who it was known would assume and exercise that power, we seceded.

We had also then contended that whenever the two races were thrown together one must be master and the other slave, and we vindicated ourselves against the accusations of the abolitionists by asserting that slavery was the best and happiest condition of the negro. Now what does this proposition admit? The right of the central Government to put the slaves into the militia, and to emancipate at least so many as shall be placed in the military service. It is a clear claim of the central Government to emancipate the slaves.

If we are right in passing this measure we were wrong in denying to the old government the right to interfere with the institution of slavery and to emancipate slaves. Besides, if we offer slaves their freedom as a boon we confess that we were insincere, were hypocritical, in asserting that slavery was the best state for the negroes themselves. He had been sincere in declaring that the central Government had no power over the institution of slavery, and that freedom would be no boon to the negro.

He now believed, as he had formerly said in discussion on the same subject, that arming and emancipating the slaves was an abandonment of this contest-an abandonment of the grounds upon which it had been undertaken. If this is so who it is answer for the hundreds of thousands of men who had been slain in the war? Who was to answer from them before the bar of Heaven? Not those who had entered into the contest upon principle and adhered to the principle, but those who had abandoned the principle. Not for all the gold in California would he have put his name to such a measure as this unless obliged to do it by instructions. As long as he was free to vote from his own convictions nothing could have extorted it from him.

Mr. Hunter then argued the necessity of freeing the negroes if they were made soldiers. There was something in the human heart and head that tells us it must be so; when they come out scarred from this conflict they must be free. If we could make them soldiers, the condition of the soldier being socially equal to any other in society, we could make them officers, perhaps, to command white men. Some future ambitious President might use the slaves to seize the liberties of the country and put the white men under his fee.-The Government had not power under the Constitution to arm and emancipate the slaves, and the Constitution granted no such great powers by implication.

Mr. Hunter then showed from statisticks that no considerable body of negro troops could be raised in the States over which the Government had control, without stripping the country of the labour absolutely necessary to produce food. He thought there was a much better change of getting the large number of deserters back to the army than of getting slaves into it. The negro abhored the profession of a soldiers. The commandant of conscripts, with authority to impress twenty thousand slaves had, between last September and the present time, been able to get but four thousand; and of these thirty-five hundred had been obtained in Virginia and North Carolina, and five hundred from Alabama. If he, armed with all the powers of impressment, could not get them as labourers, how will we be able to get them as soldiers? Unless they volunteer they will go to the Yankee; if we depend upon their volunteering we can't get them, and those we do get will desert to the enemy, who can offer them a better price than we can. The enemy can offer them liberty, clothing, and even farms at our expense. Negroes now were deterred from going to the enemy only by the fear of being put into the army. If we put them in they all go over.

In conclusion, he considered that the measure, when reviewed as to its expediency, was worse than as a question of principle. He was not satisfied that the majority of the army were in favour of the measure. The army had been told that the measure was necessary, and they had acquiesced. He did not believe that the heroes of Manassas, Fredericksburg and Cold Harbour were holding out their hands to the negroes to come and save them. He did not believe that our troops would fight with that constancy which should inspire troops in the hour of battle, when they knew that their flanks were being held by negroes. He repeated that he would have voted against the bill except fort the instructions which put an obligation upon him. He should endeavour to mould the bill so as to carry our the true spirit of those instructions. He believed it would pass, and hoped that it might not have the evil effects that he apprehended.

Mr. Graham also opposed the bill. He meant to hold out no threat, but he would say that when Congress adopted such a measure the States would feel called upon the consider whether such an inroad upon the Constitution did not call for additional guards being thrown around that instrument. He considered the adoption of the measure as almost a virtual abandonment of the principles of the contest.

Mr. Graham protested against the right of the Virginia Legislature to instruct its Senators after the mature deliberation of the Senate had disposed of the measure, which affected not the State of Virginia alone, but every State between the Potomac and the Rio Grande. Mr. Graham argued at length against the constitutionally and expediency of the measure.

Mr. Semmes spoke in advocacy of the bill. He advocated it as a necessity. It was better to throw over part of the cargo than to lose the ship and cargo together. It was urged by General Lee, and the consequences which would follow would not be so bad as had been represented. He hoped the bill would be so modified as to conform to the instructions given by the State of Virginia to her Senators.

Mr. Orr opposed the bill.

Mr. Burnett urged its passage.

The Senate resolved into secret session.

EVENING SESSION

After recess the Senate met at half-past seven o'clock, P. M., and resumed consideration of the negro soldier bill.

Mr. Oldham spoke in advocacy of the policy of arming the slaves.

After further debate the Senate adjourned, without taking a vote on the bill.
 

jgoodguy

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Information about African-Americans serving in the Confederate Army in Richmond, VA during the Civil War.

I will post these entries one by one.

Official Records, Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 1193. 2/14/1865; negro workers at Jackson Hospital are volunteering for field service
OR, Series IV, Vol. 3, p. 1093 2/17/1865; J. T. L. Preston, Acting Superintendent of VMI, offers the services of the corps in training negro troops and cites the corps' previous experience as drillmasters in 1861 and notes that they drilled 15,000 recruits in 2 months at Camp Lee.
National Archives, RG 109 3/16/1865; Jackson Battalion moved from Jackson Hospital to the front, under the command of Col. Ship, commanding the VMI Corps. Reports on their good conduct
Richmond Sentinel 3/18/1865; two negroes who were sentenced to be hanged for burglary are released on the condition that they join T. P. Turner's "black brigade"
Richmond Sentinel 3/21/1865; Winder-Jackson Battalion; including Negroes to parade
Richmond Dispatch 3/23/1865; negroes employed at Winder & Jackson join the army
Richmond Enquirer 3/23/1865; description of the Winder-Jackson Battalion's parade at Capitol square; call for Richmond ladies to produce a flag for this unit
Richmond Enquirer 3/23/1865; details on recruitment of black troops and call for volunteers; rendezvous for negro troops is at Smith's factory, 21st street. T. P. Turner (Libby Prison) is one of the officers
Richmond Sentinel 3/23/1865; description of the Winder-Jackson Battalion's parade at Capitol square
Richmond Sentinel 3/30/1865; a free negro in Maj. Turner's battalion grows tired of the drill and decides to walk off with stolen clothes
OR, Series IV, Vol. 3, p. 1194 4/2/1865; T.P. Turner writes about raising negro troops
Confederate Congress: Second Congress, Second Session, Senate, March 7, 1865: The Negro Soldier Question. Southern Historical Society Papers 52 (1959), pp. 452-457.
Preisser, Thomas M. "The Virginia Decision to Use Negro Soldiers in the Civil War, 1864-1865." VMHB 83 (Jan. 1975), pp. 98-111.
 

jgoodguy

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Official Records, Series IV, Vol. 3, p. 1194
RICHMOND, VA., April 2, 1865

Lieut. S. R. SHINN:

DEAR SHINN: I have delayed writing in order to be able to give you some definite information on the negro question. The Secretary of War day before yesterday directed that the authority asked for be given Colonel Otey, and I telegraphed you to that effect. I have no doubt the orders have reached him by this time. Go to work and work, work, work. If the people of Virginia only knew and appreciated General Lee’s solicitude on this subject they would not longer hold back their slaves. Their wives and daughters and the negroes are the only elements left us to recruit from, and it does seem that our people would rather send the former even to face death and danger than give up the latter.

Major Carrington has been appointed superintendent for the Stat of Virginia and a good one he will make. I shall do something myself with a view to raising a command. I may be so situated as to need your services and to advance your interests. If so, you shall hear from me.*

Let me hear from you at once.
Yours, truly,
TH. P. TURNER.

*some strictly personal matter here omitted.
 

Al Mackey

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Information about African-Americans serving in the Confederate Army in Richmond, VA during the Civil War.

I will post these entries one by one.

Official Records, Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 1193. 2/14/1865; negro workers at Jackson Hospital are volunteering for field service
OR, Series IV, Vol. 3, p. 1093 2/17/1865; J. T. L. Preston, Acting Superintendent of VMI, offers the services of the corps in training negro troops and cites the corps' previous experience as drillmasters in 1861 and notes that they drilled 15,000 recruits in 2 months at Camp Lee.
National Archives, RG 109 3/16/1865; Jackson Battalion moved from Jackson Hospital to the front, under the command of Col. Ship, commanding the VMI Corps. Reports on their good conduct
Richmond Sentinel 3/18/1865; two negroes who were sentenced to be hanged for burglary are released on the condition that they join T. P. Turner's "black brigade"
Richmond Sentinel 3/21/1865; Winder-Jackson Battalion; including Negroes to parade
Richmond Dispatch 3/23/1865; negroes employed at Winder & Jackson join the army
Richmond Enquirer 3/23/1865; description of the Winder-Jackson Battalion's parade at Capitol square; call for Richmond ladies to produce a flag for this unit
Richmond Enquirer 3/23/1865; details on recruitment of black troops and call for volunteers; rendezvous for negro troops is at Smith's factory, 21st street. T. P. Turner (Libby Prison) is one of the officers
Richmond Sentinel 3/23/1865; description of the Winder-Jackson Battalion's parade at Capitol square
Richmond Sentinel 3/30/1865; a free negro in Maj. Turner's battalion grows tired of the drill and decides to walk off with stolen clothes
OR, Series IV, Vol. 3, p. 1194 4/2/1865; T.P. Turner writes about raising negro troops
Confederate Congress: Second Congress, Second Session, Senate, March 7, 1865: The Negro Soldier Question. Southern Historical Society Papers 52 (1959), pp. 452-457.
Preisser, Thomas M. "The Virginia Decision to Use Negro Soldiers in the Civil War, 1864-1865." VMHB 83 (Jan. 1975), pp. 98-111.
Mike Gorman is very good.
 

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My personal favorite account and the only named 'Black Confederate' from the official recruiting effort, the other records are lost.

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From the Richmond Sentinel, 3/30/1865, p. 2, c. 7


NEGRO DESERTER. - The free negro John Scott, who was received as a member of Major Turner’s battalion a few days ago, became suddenly tired of going through the manual, and took his departure on Sunday last for parts unknown, carrying with him about twenty-five pairs of soldiers’ drawers, shirts, &c., belonging to some of the boys.
 

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OR, Series IV, Vol. 3, p. 1093 2/17/1865; J. T. L. Preston, Acting Superintendent of VMI, offers the services of the corps in training negro troops and cites the corps' previous experience as drillmasters in 1861 and notes that they drilled 15,000 recruits in 2 months at Camp Lee.
Official Records, Series IV, Vol. 3, p. 1093
HEADQUARTERS VIRGINIA MILITARY INSTITUTE,
February 17, 1865.

Hon. J. C. BRECKINRIDGE,
Secretary of War:

DEAR SIR: The present state of the country justifies any one in presenting for the consideration of the Government well-meant suggestions, even if they should appear crude to those who are better informed

The tone of public sentiment and the tenor of present legislation indicate that the call of General Lee for negro troops will be responded to.

I suggest that the maximum number allowed to be raised should be half a million.

I do not suppose that so many are required or could be obtained. But to place the maximum at this figure would, I believe, inspire dread in the minds of our enemy, who exaggerates, through ignorance, our power in this particular; and further, to call for half a million would, by the effect upon the minds of owners and slaves, facilitate and insure the raising of 200,000.

The second suggestion I would make is, that in the event of the troops being raised you might command the services of our corps of cadets with their officers to perform the work of organization and drilling in the shortest time, and with the greatest efficiency.

In 1861, between the 20th of April and the 20th of June, the cadets drilled 15,000 men of the Army of Northern Virginia, and if a large camp of instruction were established at Camp Lee the same work could be done for all the negro troops that would be sent there.

Allow me to say that these suggestions are the result of conversation among some of the officers of our school, and the last one is contained in a letter to me from General Smith, our superintendent, who is now absent in Lexington.

Very respectfully, general, your obedient servant,
J. T. L. PRESTON,
Acting Superintendent, Virginia Military Institute.
 

jgoodguy

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Information about African-Americans serving in the Confederate Army in Richmond, VA during the Civil War.
National Archives, RG 109 3/16/1865; Jackson Battalion moved from Jackson Hospital to the front, under the command of Col. Ship, commanding the VMI Corps. Reports on their good conduct

From the National Archives, RG 109 (Administrative Files – Subject Index: Ships – Zouaves, Box # 5 , “Slaves” Folder)
Hd Qrs Jackson Battalion
March 16th 1865

Sir
I have the honor to report that in obedience to your orders received through Surg Hancock I ordered my Battalion from the 1st 2d 3 & 4 Div of Jackson Hospital to the front on Saturday night at 12 o’clk and reported by order of Maj. Pegram to Col. Ship P.A.C.S. Comdg Cadet Corps.

I have great pleasure in stating that my men acted with the utmost promptness and good will.

I had the pleasure of turning over to Major Chambliss a portion of my negro command to be attached to his negro command. Allow me to state that they behaved in extraordinary commendable(?) manner. I would respectfully ask that Major Chambliss be particularly noticed for the manner which he handled that very important element to be inaugurated in our service.

Respy your Obdt Servt

H. C. Scott
Surg(?) & Major Comdg
Jackson Battln
 

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Confederate Congress: Second Congress, Second Session, Senate, March 7, 1865: The Negro Soldier Question. Southern Historical Society Papers 52 (1959), pp. 452-457.

THE NEGRO SOLDIER QUESTION

At 12 o'clock House bill to increase the military forces of the Confederate States, better known as the negro soldier bill, was taken up and read. The following is the bill; A Bill to increase the military forces of the Confederate States.

The Congress of the Confederate States of America do enact, That in order to provide additional forces to repel invasion, maintain the rightful possession of the Confederate States, secure their independence and preserve their institutions, the President be and he is hereby authorized to ask for and accept from the owners of slaves the services of such number of able-bodied negro men as he may deem expedient, for and during the war, to perform military service in whatever capacity he may direct.

Section 2. That the General-in-Chief be authorized to organize the said slaves into companies, battalions, regiments and brigades, under such rules and regulations as the Secretary of War may prescribe, and to be commanded by such officers as the President may appoint.

Section 3. That while employed in the service the said troops shall receive the same rations, clothing and compensation as are allowed to other troops in the same branch of the service.

Section 4. That if, under the previous sections of this act, the President shall not be able to raise a sufficient number of troops to prosecute the war successfully, and maintain the sovereignty of the States and the independence of the Confederate States, then he is hereby authorize to call on each State, whenever he thinks it expedient for her quota of three hundred thousand troops, in addition to those subject to military service under existing laws, or so many thereof as the President may deem necessary, to be raised from such classes of the population, irrespective of colour, in each State, as the proper authorities may
determine.

Section 5. That nothing in this act shall be construed to authorize a change in the relation of the said slaves. Mr. Hunter said that as he had instructed by the Virginia Legislature to vote against his conviction, it was proper that he should give publick expression to his opinions. Since his first appearance in publick life he had recognized the right of the Legislature to instruct; and upon that body he desired to place the responsibility of the measure should it become a law. Until this morning he had abandoned the idea of publickly expressing his views; but his friends had suggested that justice to himself required that he should do so. He would necessarily have to go over much the same ground as when a kindred measure was recently under discussion in secret session.

When we left the old Government he had thought we had gotten ride forever of the slavery agitation; that we were entering into a new Confederacy of homogeneous States upon the agitation of the slavery question, which had become intolerable under the old Union, was to have no place. But to his surprise he finds that this Government assumes the power to arm the slaves, which involves also the power of emancipation.-To the agitation of this question, the assumption of this power, he dated the origin of the gloom which now overspreads our people. They knew that if our liberties were to be achieved it was to be done by the hearts and to hands of free men. It also injured us abroad. It was regarded as a confession of despair and an abandonment of the ground upon which we had seceded from the old Union. We had insisted that Congress had no right to interfere with slavery, and upon the coming into power of the party who it was known would assume and exercise that power, we seceded.

We had also then contended that whenever the two races were thrown together one must be master and the other slave, and we vindicated ourselves against the accusations of the abolitionists by asserting that slavery was the best and happiest condition of the negro. Now what does this proposition admit? The right of the central Government to put the slaves into the militia, and to emancipate at least so many as shall be placed in the military service. It is a clear claim of the central Government to emancipate the slaves.

If we are right in passing this measure we were wrong in denying to the old government the right to interfere with the institution of slavery and to emancipate slaves. Besides, if we offer slaves their freedom as a boon we confess that we were insincere, were hypocritical, in asserting that slavery was the best state for the negroes themselves. He had been sincere in declaring that the central Government had no power over the institution of slavery, and that freedom would be no boon to the negro.

He now believed, as he had formerly said in discussion on the same subject, that arming and emancipating the slaves was an abandonment of this contest-an abandonment of the grounds upon which it had been undertaken. If this is so who it is answer for the hundreds of thousands of men who had been slain in the war? Who was to answer from them before the bar of Heaven? Not those who had entered into the contest upon principle and adhered to the principle, but those who had abandoned the principle. Not for all the gold in California would he have put his name to such a measure as this unless obliged to do it by instructions. As long as he was free to vote from his own convictions nothing could have extorted it from him.

Mr. Hunter then argued the necessity of freeing the negroes if they were made soldiers. There was something in the human heart and head that tells us it must be so; when they come out scarred from this conflict they must be free. If we could make them soldiers, the condition of the soldier being socially equal to any other in society, we could make them officers, perhaps, to command white men. Some future ambitious President might use the slaves to seize the liberties of the country and put the white men under his fee.-The Government had not power under the Constitution to arm and emancipate the slaves, and the Constitution granted no such great powers by implication.

Mr. Hunter then showed from statisticks that no considerable body of negro troops could be raised in the States over which the Government had control, without stripping the country of the labour absolutely necessary to produce food. He thought there was a much better change of getting the large number of deserters back to the army than of getting slaves into it. The negro abhored the profession of a soldiers. The commandant of conscripts, with authority to impress twenty thousand slaves had, between last September and the present time, been able to get but four thousand; and of these thirty-five hundred had been obtained in Virginia and North Carolina, and five hundred from Alabama. If he, armed with all the powers of impressment, could not get them as labourers, how will we be able to get them as soldiers? Unless they volunteer they will go to the Yankee; if we depend upon their volunteering we can't get them, and those we do get will desert to the enemy, who can offer them a better price than we can. The enemy can offer them liberty, clothing, and even farms at our expense. Negroes now were deterred from going to the enemy only by the fear of being put into the army. If we put them in they all go over.

In conclusion, he considered that the measure, when reviewed as to its expediency, was worse than as a question of principle. He was not satisfied that the majority of the army were in favour of the measure. The army had been told that the measure was necessary, and they had acquiesced. He did not believe that the heroes of Manassas, Fredericksburg and Cold Harbour were holding out their hands to the negroes to come and save them. He did not believe that our troops would fight with that constancy which should inspire troops in the hour of battle, when they knew that their flanks were being held by negroes. He repeated that he would have voted against the bill except fort the instructions which put an obligation upon him. He should endeavour to mould the bill so as to carry our the true spirit of those instructions. He believed it would pass, and hoped that it might not have the evil effects that he apprehended.

Mr. Graham also opposed the bill. He meant to hold out no threat, but he would say that when Congress adopted such a measure the States would feel called upon the consider whether such an inroad upon the Constitution did not call for additional guards being thrown around that instrument. He considered the adoption of the measure as almost a virtual abandonment of the principles of the contest.

Mr. Graham protested against the right of the Virginia Legislature to instruct its Senators after the mature deliberation of the Senate had disposed of the measure, which affected not the State of Virginia alone, but every State between the Potomac and the Rio Grande. Mr. Graham argued at length against the constitutionally and expediency of the measure.

Mr. Semmes spoke in advocacy of the bill. He advocated it as a necessity. It was better to throw over part of the cargo than to lose the ship and cargo together. It was urged by General Lee, and the consequences which would follow would not be so bad as had been represented. He hoped the bill would be so modified as to conform to the instructions given by the State of Virginia to her Senators.

Mr. Orr opposed the bill.

Mr. Burnett urged its passage.

The Senate resolved into secret session.

EVENING SESSION

After recess the Senate met at half-past seven o'clock, P. M., and resumed consideration of the negro soldier bill.

Mr. Oldham spoke in advocacy of the policy of arming the slaves.

After further debate the Senate adjourned, without taking a vote on the bill.
Mr.Hunter made a very good point about black Confederate soldiers defecting to the enemy. By March 1865 the Confederate dollar was worth no more then doddly squat. The blue bellies could pay their soldiers in real money.
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Information about African-Americans serving in the Confederate Army in Richmond, VA during the Civil War.
National Archives, RG 109 3/16/1865; Jackson Battalion moved from Jackson Hospital to the front, under the command of Col. Ship, commanding the VMI Corps. Reports on their good conduct

From the National Archives, RG 109 (Administrative Files – Subject Index: Ships – Zouaves, Box # 5 , “Slaves” Folder)
Hd Qrs Jackson Battalion
March 16th 1865

Sir
I have the honor to report that in obedience to your orders received through Surg Hancock I ordered my Battalion from the 1st 2d 3 & 4 Div of Jackson Hospital to the front on Saturday night at 12 o’clk and reported by order of Maj. Pegram to Col. Ship P.A.C.S. Comdg Cadet Corps.

I have great pleasure in stating that my men acted with the utmost promptness and good will.

I had the pleasure of turning over to Major Chambliss a portion of my negro command to be attached to his negro command. Allow me to state that they behaved in extraordinary commendable(?) manner. I would respectfully ask that Major Chambliss be particularly noticed for the manner which he handled that very important element to be inaugurated in our service.

Respy your Obdt Servt

H. C. Scott
Surg(?) & Major Comdg
Jackson Battln
The above referenced troops were the ones captured at Painsville after firing a few shots at Union Cavalry.
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Information about African-Americans serving in the Confederate Army in Richmond, VA during the Civil War.
Richmond Sentinel 3/21/1865; Winder-Jackson Battalion; including Negroes to parade

From the Richmond Sentinel, 3/21/65


THE BATTALION from Camps Winder and Jackson, under the command of Dr. Chambliss, including the company of colored troops under Captain Grimes, will parade on the square on Wednesday evening, at 4½ o’clock. This is the first company of negro troops raised in Virginia. It was organized about a month since, by Dr. Chambliss, from the employees of the hospitals, and served on the lines during the recent Sheridan raid.
 

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Information about African-Americans serving in the Confederate Army in Richmond, VA during the Civil War.
Richmond Dispatch 3/23/1865; negroes employed at Winder & Jackson join the army

From the Richmond Dispatch, 3/23/1865
PARADE. - Yesterday afternoon the Camps Winder and Jackson battalion paraded on the Capitol Square. In the battalion were two companies of negroes (not uniformed), which were made up from the negroes employed about the hospitals. They are not, we believe, in the Confederate military service. In marked contrast to the appearance of these negroes was that of a squad of Major Turner's colored troops, neatly uniformed, and showing a good soldierly carriage. These regulars had gone up to look at their colored brethren. Volunteering would be much encouraged by the parade of Major Turner's men, which will, we hope, soon take place.
 

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nformation about African-Americans serving in the Confederate Army in Richmond, VA during the Civil War.
Richmond Enquirer 3/23/1865; description of the Winder-Jackson Battalion's parade at Capitol square; call for Richmond ladies to produce a flag for this unit

From the Richmond Enquirer, 3/23/1865
THE CORPS D’AFRIQUE. – The appearance of the battalion of colored troops on the Square, yesterday afternoon, attracted thousands of our citizens to the spot, all eager to catch a glimpse of the sable soldiers. The bearing of the negroes elicited universal commendation. While on the Square, they went through the manual of arms in a manner which would have done credit to veteran soldiers, while the evolutions of the line were executed with promptness and precision. As an appropriate recognition of their promptness in forming the first battalion of colored troops in the Confederacy, we suggest to the ladies of Richmond the propriety of presenting the battalion with an appropriate banner.
 

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Information about African-Americans serving in the Confederate Army in Richmond, VA during the Civil War.
Richmond Enquirer 3/23/1865; details on recruitment of black troops and call for volunteers; rendezvous for negro troops is at Smith's factory, 21st street. T. P. Turner (Libby Prison) is one of the officers

From the Richmond Enquirer, 3/23/1865
CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA

WAR DEPARTMENT,
ADJ’T AND INSP’R GEN’LS OFFICE,
Richmond, March 11, ‘65.

Sirs – You are hereby authorized to raise a company or companies of negro soldiers under the provisions of the act of Congress, approved March 13, 1865.

When the requisite number shall have been recruited, they will be mustered into the service for the war, and muster rolls forwarded to this office.

The companies, when organized, will be subject to the rules and regulations governing the Provisional army of the Confederate States.

By command of the Secretary of War.

(Signed) JOHN W. RIPLEY. A. A. G.

To Major J. W. Pegram, Major T. P. Turner, through Gen. Ewell.

COLORED TROOPS.
AN APPEAL TO THE PEOPLE OF VIRGINIA.


It will be seen by the order of the Secretary of War, published above, that the undersigned have been authorized to proceed at once with the organization of companies to be composed of persons of color, free and slave, who are willing to volunteer under the recent acts of Congress and Legislature of Virginia. It is well known to the country that General Lee has evinced the deepest interest in this subject and that he regards prompt action in this matter as vitally important to the country. In a letter addressed by him to Lieutenant General Ewell, dated March 10th, he says: “I hope it will be found practicable to raise a considerable force in Richmond.” * * * * “I attach great importance to the first experiment, and nothing should be left undone to make it successful. The sooner this can be accomplished the better!”

The undersigned have established a rendezvous on 21st, between Main and Cary Streets, at the building known as “Smith’s Factory,” and every arrangement has been made to secure the comfort of the recruits, and to prepare them for service. It is recommended that each recruit be furnished, when practicable, with a gray jacket and pants, cap and blanket and good serviceable pair of shoes, but no delay should take place in forwarding the recruits in order to obtain these articles.

The Governments, Confederate and State, having settled the policy of employing this element of strength, and this class of our population having given repeated evidence of their willingness to take up arms in defence of their homes, it is believed that it is only necessary to put the matter before them in a proper light to cause them to rally with enthusiasm for the preservation of the homes in which they have been born and raised, and in which they have found contentment and happiness, and to save themselves and their face from the barbarous cruelty invariably practiced upon them by a perfidious enemy claiming to be their friends.

Will not the people of Virginia, in this hour of peril and danger, promptly respond to the call of our loved General in Chief, and the demand of the Confederate and State Governments? Will those who have freely given their sons and brothers, their money and their property to the achievement of the liberties of their country now hold back from the cause their servants, who can well be spared, and who would gladly aid in bringing this fearful war to a speedy and glorious termination?

Let every man in the State consider himself a recruiting officer and enter at once upon the duty of aiding in the organization of this force by sending forward recruits to our rendezvous. Every consideration of patriotism, the independence of our country, the safety of our homes, the happiness of our families and the sanctity of our firesides all prompt to immediate and energetic action for the defence of the country. Let the people but be true to themselves and to the claims of duty and our independence will be speedily secured and peace be restored within our borders.

J. W. PEGRAM
Major, &c., P. A. C. S.,

THOS. P. TURNER
Major, &c., P. A. C. S.

mh 18 6t
 

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Information about African-Americans serving in the Confederate Army in Richmond, VA during the Civil War.
Richmond Sentinel 3/23/1865; description of the Winder-Jackson Battalion's parade at Capitol square

From the Richmond Sentinel, 3/23/65

PARADE. – Dr. Chambliss’ battalion, from the Winder and Jackson hospitals, paraded on the Capitol Square last evening, in the presence of several thousand persons. The two negro companies of the battalion were the feature of the occasion, and attracted universal attention and commendation.











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The preponderance of the evidence is that The CSA government and public expected Black Confederates to be negro, slaves and most definite visually black.
 

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The preponderance of the evidence is that The CSA government and public expected Black Confederates to be negro, slaves and most definite visually black.
Also they were a bit late to the game. The enlistment of black soldiers only was for the last three weeks if the war. It's not like by March 22 1865 there was a viable Confederate path to victory.
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jgoodguy

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Also they were a bit late to the game. The enlistment of black soldiers only was for the last three weeks if the war. It's not like by March 22 1865 there was a viable Confederate path to victory.
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I agree, but as there is a dispute about what the Black in Black Confederate was, I felt it was time to let the experts speak.
 
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